The End

After a decade of honourable service, it is time to retire POP. A blog on populism that I started as a PhD student back in 2015 and to which I have dedicated countless hours until 2025. Meanwhile, a life has passed, many things have changed, and I find myself unable to keep alive this wonderful project. The last months have been so busy that I did not even have time to write a proper goodbye. Now that time has come.

But why is POP closing down? First, and foremost, I don’t have the capacity to devote to this blog the time it deserves to be regularly updated with excellent content. Editing, formatting, finding illustrations, uploading pictures, contacting colleagues, writing questions for the interviews and introductions for the essays I receive, announcing new publications on social media…there is a lot of work behind the scenes, that I am no longer in a condition to keep up.

Beyond that, another key reason to close this chapter is that I think it is time (for me) to move beyond populism, a buzzword that is doing more harm than good to most political analyses. In the media, among pundits, in the streets, over time populism has become a keyword that means almost everything and, therefore, almost nothing. In academia too, it often has a stale aftertaste. Don’t get me wrong: populism is real, and a lot of wonderful research about it keeps being published. Populism is certainly a phenomenon that deserves to be studied and talked about, but there are lots of reasons for me to take another path. These reasons have been explained in many posts I published on POP (and other places too) over the years.

One of my main problems with “populism” is that it serves too often as a euphemism, a mask, a way to hide a bitter medicine into a sugary syrup. The truth is that during the last decade, sadly, the populist Zeitgeist has become a fascist Zeitgeist. All those “populists” who were trying to destroy democracy were, in fact, not populist at all (they could not care less about “the people” and more often than not they were part of the elites). In fact, they were far right actors. This reflection accompanied me for a long time. Then, it became a project in 2023. Today, while I write these words in September 2026, it took the form of a book.

Populism is not tied to any specific ideology; it can take any “flavour”. For this reason, it can be an emancipatory force of inclusion and participation, as well as an exclusionary rhetoric that reinforces ethnocentrism. Because it can be so many different things, it cannot be used as the sole adjective to describe far-right politicians, neo-Nazis, and extreme right troublemakers. It is not the “vox populi” if it only represents a loud minority of racists doing a pogrom in full daylight based on some fake news spread on social media. Even the more moderate “populist radical right” is—first of all—radical right and then, sometimes, not always, only if convenient, tangentially, also populist. Alternative for Germany is not voicing the legitimate concerns of “the German people” against the elites, it is normalizing racism and Islamophobia while targeting minorities, women, and political opponents. The populist mask is never the main point. That’s a massive distraction, a secondary trait, a smoke screen. Behind which one can see nostalgia for a dark past.

The Fascist Zeitgeist is a book that develops these ideas and that looks straight into the abyss. It builds a bridge between my old research and what will come, and it is only fitting that POP closes on this note. Calling the far right “populist” has done nothing but enable, normalise, and mainstream far-right ideas, discourses, and parties, bringing us one step closer to fascism and a step away from understanding populism. Amen.

Before moving on, however, I must thank a lot of people. My colleagues in Zurich, who encouraged me to open a blog while I was doing my PhD and *populism* was still a relatively niche topic. All the colleagues, friends, and authors who gave me a piece of their time to discuss their research and ideas on politics, society, democracy, and many other topics. My colleagues at ICS, where I found a new home, and who believed in this project. Routledge, for deciding that these interviews were worth publishing as a book (and to EdUERJ for having translated it into Brazilian Portuguese). Importantly, I must thank the universities that awarded POP for its outreach activities and allowed it to be online all this time.

Most of all, I want to thank all those people who read any of the posts published during this decade, for each of the 100,000 (!) clicks that POP has received so far. To you, readers, thanks a lot, you kept this project alive much longer than anticipated. Also, to whoever bought and read The Populism Interviews, thank you from the bottom of my heart. If just one person has learned just one thing from all of this, it was worth it.

POP leaves behind a hostile, enshittified, AI-infested online environment. For the most part, the Internet feels like a foul, toxic swamp, a Desolation of Smaug entirely devoted to data extraction, fake news, bots, manipulation, surveillance capitalism, and so on and so forth. Getting out of here as much as possible is a necessity at this point, but it hurts because it is precisely independent blogs that keep the web alive. For example, you can read and contribute to the series on illiberalism I curate for The Loop, the ECPR’s blog. Have a look here!

Until a few years ago I thought of social media as a useful tool to spread the content published on POP, to extend the discussions generated by its posts, and make new connections. This is no longer the case. I left Twitter/X a long time ago, experimented with Mastodon, Telegram (which is now infested by horrific AI-generated far right ads, I am closing it down as well), switched to Bluesky, and cancelled my LinkedIn account too many years ago to know how it is nowadays. At the moment, POP would remain a blog without a social media presence, which would be a pity as well as a loss of outreach. But if something is “free”, we are very likely the product. And in an age where anti-fascism is considered to be a terrorist activity, our data are sensitive like never before. POP spread amazing content for a decade, and now it’s time to take a break and find new solutions, new channels, new ideas.

Meanwhile, verba volant, scripta manent. POP will continue to keep you company! The blog remains online for the foreseeable future and even if one day it will be offline, you will still be able to read all 143 posts published between 2015 and 2025 here, saved thanks to Wayback Machine –> https://manucciluca-pop.github.io/POP/.

They will remain available through a Creative Commons license: you can use any material published here as long as you cite the source and do not use it for commercial purposes. In POP’s archive you can find many amazing interviews, like the one with Cas Mudde about the 20 years of “The Populist Zeitgeist”, the chat about the mainstreaming of authoritarianism with Giorgos Katsambekis, Eviane Leidig talking about Hindutva, Aurélien Mondon and Aaron Winter explaining why Brexit and Trump are not working-class phenomena, Nicole Curato on Rodrigo Duterte, or Bianka Vida showing how the Hungarian government used gender as a rhetorical tool to strengthen its illiberal regime, and many, many more.

Several articles I wrote are also particularly important to me, such as the one about the Five Star Movement from 2017, the semiotic analysis of the Portuguese electoral billboards (part 1 and part 2), or this post about the idea of “migrants as zombies” from 2015 (thousands of desperate people at the gates of Europe in Ceuta, today like yesterday, making this post relevant once again).

A disclaimer: some of the posts won’t have pictures, inevitably many links will be broken, there are way too many links to Twitter/X that now are either inactive or will bring traffic to a morally rotten company featuring an AI chatbot that calls itself MechaHitler. Nonetheless, POP’s archive is full of content that remains extremely valuable to whoever wants to study populism or get an idea of the discourse about populism during the decade 2015-2025. Think of it as an archaeological find, where you can dig to your heart’s content. The posts will remain where they are, you will be able to continue to use their URLs, cite them, read them, recommend them.

OK, time to go. But first. A last word.

Closing POP and reducing my online presence does not mean that “I’m gone”. To the contrary. You will find me in Lisbon, or at conferences across the world. Let’s meet in person, look each other in the eyes, shake hands. Let’s stay human in the age of far-right techno billionaires. Let’s be together in the streets, rallies, festivals, protests, events, libraries.

POP is dead, long live POP!

An Introduction to Populism (Again…)

Populism isn’t just another political buzzword (well, it’s also that…)—but it is an important tool to understand today’s world, if used correctly. The problem? Everyone talks about populism, but few can actually pin down what it is. Is it a dangerous threat to democracy—or a much-needed wake-up call? Is it ideology, performance, strategy… or all of the above? Who counts as “the people,” and who are “the elites”?

Enter Populism: An Introduction. This isn’t another academic doorstop—it’s an accessible guide that cuts through the noise. Written by leading scholars but crafted for students, readers, and anyone curious about the forces reshaping our world, it connects big theories with real-world politics in a way that finally clicks. If you’ve ever wanted to go beyond the headlines and actually understand how populism works—and why it matters right now—this is the book.

Professors everywhere are being asked to explain what it is, why it matters, and how it’s reshaping politics across the globe. The problem? Most readings are either too dense, too narrow, or too disconnected from what students actually want to learn. That’s why Populism: An Introduction is such a game-changer. Finally, a resource that makes teaching populism not just possible, but exciting. It reminds me in more than a way of my own The Populism Interviews, but with a different approach.

And now, the editors themselves explain how they pulled it off.

Enjoy the read!

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Do we need yet another handbook on populism?

Populism has been one of the most debated topics in contemporary political science, drawing waves of scholarly attention after major global events. In particular, the dual shocks of Brexit and Donald Trump’s election in 2016 cemented populism as a central topic of political analysis—often leading to its use as a buzzword rather than a useful tool for understanding the world we live in. The explosion of academic research, resulting in numerous books, journal articles, and dedicated scholarly journals, hasn’t always seemed necessary, to say the least. This raises the question: do we need yet another handbook on populism?

The recent publication of the Research Handbook on Populism, edited by Yannis Stavrakakis and Giorgos Katsambekis, demonstrates that the academic field continues to evolve. This handbook seeks to provide a comprehensive and theoretically nuanced examination of populism, incorporating various perspectives and disciplinary approaches. It covers the four dominant frameworks in populism studies—the ideational, discourse-theoretical, strategic, and socio-cultural approaches—while also integrating historical analyses and contributions from diverse academic fields such as political economy, international relations, and psychoanalysis.

This article, written by Antonis Galanopoulos, explores the significance of this new handbook within the broader landscape of populism studies, assessing the unique contributions of the handbook, its methodological pluralism, and its efforts to address gaps in existing literature. Furthermore, it critically examines its strengths and potential limitations, considering how it shapes future research directions in the study of populism.

And to fill the gap identified by Antonis, namely the lack of a guide on how to navigate the chaos created by the recent populism boom and consequent hype, well…there are always The Populism Interviews for that 😉

Enjoy the read…

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Interview #68 – Alternative for Germany and the “Weaponization” of History

The rise of populist radical right movements goes hand in hand with the politicization of history. Historical narratives are powerful tools that can shape public perception, reinforce ideologies, and legitimize political agendas. Focusing on the Alternative for Germany (AfD), we discuss with Matthias Dilling and Félix Krawatzek how the party’s strategic engagement with Germany’s collective memory intersects with broader trends in Europe and beyond.

From Milei’s nostalgic vision for Argentina to Romania’s recent electoral scandals that brought back echoes of the country’s fascist and communist past, history is a battleground for defining national identity and social values.

The interview sheds light on the role of the past in shaping the future, offering critical insights into the challenges posed by historical revisionism and the opportunities for fostering a more informed public discourse.

Enjoy the read…

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Trump’s Carnival: Grabbing the world by the norms

In this article, Lisa Gaufman presents her (open access) book The Trump Carnival: Populism, Transgression and the Far Right, written with Bharath Ganesh.

Donald Trump’s political philosophy is often overshadowed by the sheer volume of his controversies. Yet at its heart lies a carnival of transgressions—norm-breaking, taboo-violating, and hierarchy-flipping—that has shaped the far-right’s approach to democracy.

As his rhetoric grows bolder and his disregard for rules extends from domestic to foreign policy, understanding the Trump carnival is essential to grasp the erosion of democratic norms in the U.S. and beyond.

His imperialist designs are part of a broader approach to politics, democracy, and foreign policy.

Enjoy the read…

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Interview #67 – Exploring Left-Wing Nationalism

In this thought-provoking interview, Jacopo Custodi challenges conventional ideas about nationalism by shedding light on its role within left-wing ideologies. Often associated with the right, nationalism is far from incompatible with progressive politics. Drawing from his latest book, Custodi discusses how left-wing nationalism manifests in diverse ways across European contexts, specifically in Southern Europe. We discuss the distinctions between left- and right-wing nationalism, the nuanced ways leftist parties engage with national identity, and the interplay between nationalism and populism. Reclaiming a sense of nationhood can serve progressive goals—though it requires careful balancing to avoid the pitfalls of exclusionary nationalism.

Enjoy the read…

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Interview #66 – Depopulation and Its Impact on Voting in Spain

In this interview, Álvaro Sánchez-García explains the complex interplay between depopulation, political polarization, and voting behaviour in rural Spain. Drawing from his research, Álvaro challenges common assumptions about the political inclinations of depopulated areas, suggesting that rural grievances in Spain extend beyond economic anxiety. Rather, depopulation itself—paired with a sense of community loss—fuels a unique discontent that influences support for various political factions, not just the radical right.

The interview offers a detailed analysis of how shifts in demographics, amenities, and population density shape political preferences. While mainstream conservative parties have historically benefited from depopulation, when this decline intensifies, parties like VOX gain traction, positioning themselves as advocates for rural interests. This conversation provides an in-depth look at the rural-urban cleavage’s resurgence in Spain, underscoring the ways global shifts and depopulation drive new forms of political expression and local identity.

Enjoy the read…

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Portuguese Populism – A Special Issue

Populism in Portugal: the End of Exceptionalism?

This is the title of the special issue I have been working on as a guest editor since 2022. I am glad to announce that it is finally out for Análise Social, the oldest Portuguese journal in social sciences, and house journal of the Institute of Social Sciences of the University of Lisbon. Half a century after the Carnation Revolution, this is an excellent moment to investigate the presence of populism in a country often considered immune.

The special issue is composed of an introduction and eight research articles: it can be found here in open access, both in Portuguese and English. I hope it will fill some of the gaps that have hitherto characterized the study of populism in Portugal and at the same time offer a starting point for anyone interested in working on these issues.

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Interview #65 – AfD and the end of German Exceptionalism

Germany has long been viewed as *the* model for reckoning with past atrocities—particularly through its atonement for the Holocaust and the creation of a public space steeped in historical reflection and contrition. Unlike Italy, for example, Germany has made its national memory a central pillar of its identity. However, this commitment to remembrance is now producing some unforeseen challenges.

For example, the legacy of the Holocaust makes critical public discussions about the actions of the Israeli government very difficult. At the same time, antisemitism, which has never fully disappeared, is once again on the rise.

In November 2023, members of the far-right party AfD were caught in a secret meeting discussing a “master plan” for the mass deportation of foreigners and “non-assimilated” Germans. When the news broke in January 2024, over a million people took to the streets across Germany to protest extremism and AfD’s ideology.

While the widespread mobilization in defense of democracy is heartening, it’s equally concerning that a party like AfD—which would have been considered taboo just a decade ago—has not only gained traction but may even be poised for government in the near future.

So, how did AfD become the third-largest political force in Germany? And is the country’s democratic cordon sanitaire strong enough to hold?

This interview delves into these questions and more with political expert Manès Weisskircher.

Enjoy the read.

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Interview #64 – Populism and Constitutional Resilience

The impact of populists in power is always a much-debated topic. There are the apocalyptics, who predict locusts and other misfortunes every time a populist comes to power. Then there are those like Jasmin Sarah König, who analyse the data, observe the context, and draw conclusions by considering the pros and cons, situations and characteristics of the actors involved, and the systems in which these processes occur.

For example, Jasmin argues that when they are part of coalition governments, populist parties cannot simply implement the policies they want. When there are proper political checks and balances – not only through judicial institutions but through other political parties or organizations – possible negative consequences of populism can be contained.

She studied in detail whether the legislation initiated by the populist radical right FPÖ is unconstitutional more often than the laws initiated by other parties. The findings suggest that the FPÖ did not transgress constitutional boundaries more often than other parties because populist radical right parties can be forced to moderate when they need to compromise with a coalition partner.

Because, in the end, our constitutions are neither solid nor weak: they are just paper. It’s up to us to protect them.

Enjoy the read…

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